Editor's Note:

"Cognitive Warfare" has become a new form of confrontation between states, and a new security threat. With new technological means, issues are planted and disinformation spread so as to change people's perceptions and thus alter their self-identity. Launching cognitive warfare against China is an important means through which Western anti-China forces attack and discredit the country. Under the manipulation of the US-led West, the "China threat theory" has continued to foment.

Certain politicians and media outlets have publicly smeared China's image by propagating the "China's economic collapse" theory and "forced labor in Xinjiang" fallacy in an attempt to incite and provoke anti-China reprisals among people in certain countries. These means all serve the evolution of the US' covert China containment strategy in a bid to maintain its hegemony.

The Global Times is publishing a series of articles to systematically reveal the intrigues of the US-led West's cognitive warfare targeting China, and expose its lies and vicious intentions, in an attempt to show international readers a true, multi-dimensional, and panoramic view of China.

This is the fourth installment in the series. In this installment, we invite Tuersun Aibai, an expert from the School of Journalism and Communication at Xinjiang University, to share his thoughts on and analysis of the long-term "forced labor" smear campaign by certain Western anti-China forces, with the aim of defaming the Xinjiang region through tens of thousands of groundless, biased news stories.
In recent years, anti-China forces in the West have hyped up the so-called forced labor narrative, an accusation to systematically vilify China, as an attempt to tarnish the country's image on the international stage, weaken its international reputation, and alienate the nation by jeopardizing its friendly and cooperative relations with other countries.

In order to understand the political and economic motives behind their "forced labor" fallacy, as well as the exploration of the narrative's manipulation strategies, transmission paths, and methods of the fallacy, I conducted a statistical analysis of over 30,000 Xinjiang-related stories from 22 media outlets in 15 countries and regions.

From these, I selected 189 pieces published by 13 media outlets that spread the "forced labor" slander for further analysis and found out that the claim of "forced labor" concocted by anti-China forces in the West is a new discourse pattern and narrative framework, which has gradually evolved from the framework of early public opinion manipulation, into a comprehensive economic blockade and repression of Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.

How 'forced labor' smear grows

Based on the analysis of 189 stories published by 13 overseas media outlets, I found that the evolution process of the "forced labor" smear campaign can be divided into three phases.

The first phase is a "topic brewing period" that spanned from December 2018 to March 2020.

In December 2018, the Associated Press (AP) first claimed that a company in Xinjiang's Hotan city had cooperated with local education and training program institutions to sell clothes made by the program's trainees to the US. The story was later quoted by many overseas media outlets and caught the attention of the US government, which in turn required that certain clothing and outdoor recreation product brands such as Adidas inspect their industrial chains, and enforced a prohibition of the importation of so-called forced labor products.

On December 18 that year, Voice of America (VOA) published a story titled US Sportswear Traced to Factory in China's Internment Camps, in which it alleged that Chinese government was "forcing some detainees to work in manufacturing and food industries." Two days later, VOA published a second article titled US Reviews Report of Imports from Forced Labor in China Camp, quoting several infamous Xinjiang separatists as stating that there was "forced labor" at Xinjiang's vocational education and training centers. Other mainstream US media sources such as The New York Times (NYT) also published similar stories with incendiary claims that month.

During that period, claims of "forced labor" were introduced by US media outlets as fodder for a new anti-China topic of focus, and its transmission scope was mainly within the US and its media sources. The claim only served to attack the trainees working at the clothing industry in the region after receiving vocational education.

The second phase of the West's "forced labor" smear campaign, a "topic fomentation period," spanned from March 2020 to December 2021.

On March 1, 2020, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), a think tank reliant on US defense funds and is keen to concoct and amplify various anti-China topics, released a "research report" titled Uygurs for sale 'Re-education,' forced labor, and surveillance beyond Xinjiang. The ridiculous report attacked China's efforts in accelerating Xinjiang's development, and slandered the employment placements of trainees from Xinjiang's vocational education and training program. Western media outlets later widely referenced and quoted the report.

By further fueling the "forced labor" narrative, some so-called "human rights groups" and media outlets called on governments in Western countries such as the US and the UK to investigate the industrial chains and asked local enterprises to cut ties with their Chinese counterparts that use Uygur labor.

In March 2020, Switzerland's Better Cotton Initiative (BCI) proposed that some major clothing brands ban the use of Xinjiang-sourced cotton using the groundless "forced labor" accusations as a pretext, claiming that the production cotton in Xinjiang "violated labor rights," and "violated human rights." Following this call to action, certain US congressmen introduced the so-called "Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA)," which required companies to obtain certification from the US government that any product imported from Xinjiang into the US was not produced with the use of "forced labor." The bill also required the US president to "identify and designate" visa or financial sanctions against any foreign person who "knowingly engages" in the "forced labor" in the Xinjiang region.

The "forced labor" fallacy continued to grow in the European Union (EU). In December 2020, the European Parliament passed a resolution on Xinjiang, falsely alleging the use of "forced labor" in the region. It required EU member countries to impose sanctions on Xinjiang officials and boycott so-called "forced labor" products from Xinjiang.

During this period, the scope of the "forced labor" smear campaign had further expanded, and some Western governments introduced related bills to "legally" base their "forced labor" accusations. The smear campaign targeted not only the employment of surplus rural labor in Xinjiang, but also extended to more industries in this region such as tomato cultivation in the agricultural sector and the photovoltaic and solar energy product manufacturing industries.

Legislatures, judiciaries, border defense, and the commerce departments of some Western countries banded together to form a community of mutual interests in this smear campaign. Western media sources, NGOs, think tanks, and enterprises also followed suit, cooperating closely with governments from the public opinion and "academic" standpoints.

The third phase, which started from January 2022 and is currently ongoing, is the "instrumentalization and politicization period."

Sample analysis based on media coverage suggested that the focus of media outlets in most countries has shifted to the "force labor" fallacy, while the US and the UK conversely remain focused on actively hyping up the fallacy. Data showed that eight US- and UK-based media outlets published a total of 24 stories attacking Xinjiang between January and April in 2022.

In this phase, the "forced labor" smear campaign entered a new "practice stage," serving the West's goals of escalating the economic suppression of China by indiscriminately attacking all the products made in Xinjiang and all the enterprises in the region.

Worse still, with the Xinjiang-related "bills" coming into effect, anti-China forces in the West have completed the transition from public opinion attacks, to the introduction of legislative economic sanctions. Now the public opinion campaign has turned into an economic war waged against China. The "forced labor" fallacy has become an integral part of the Western anti-China forces' strategic containment of China.
Tactics of public opinion manipulation

The "forced labor" fallacy did not emerge accidentally. Thanks to a long-term planned process and a clear manipulation strategy of public opinion by Western anti-China forces, who, prey on different countries' perceptions of the human rights concept to create and hype up lies under the guise of "protecting human rights," the fallacy gained momentum.

The concept of human rights is regarded as a value deeply influenced by the historical and cultural traditions of different countries. There are both commonalities and differences in the understanding of human rights among countries. Therefore, the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as the European Declaration of Human Rights, do not specifically give a universal definition of the standards of human rights.

Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese government has regarded the rights to subsistence and development as fundamental human rights, fully protected the political, economic, social, and cultural rights of the people of all ethnic groups, and continuously promoted and elevated the development of human rights work in practice. China has written human rights protection into the country's Constitution and the Constitution of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC), and further promoted the systematization and legalization of human rights protection. China has also held human rights forums and issued a white paper to comprehensively elaborate its concept of human rights.

However, the anti-China forces in the West, who ignore the differences in human rights concepts between China and the West and China's achievements in the protection and promotion of human rights, politicize, weaponize, and instrumentalize the concept of human rights by employing the "forced labor" fabrications and hype.

Some biased western media sources, by citing misleading quotes, wantonly attack the human rights situation in China, so as to promote the spread of the "forced labor" accusation by employing several tactics.

Tactic one: 'Criminalize' Chinese government

The "forced labor" accusation falsely alleges that the purpose of the transfer of the employment policy in Xinjiang region is to "strip" Uygurs of their cultural identity and "assimilate" them. Western anti-China forces have further fabricated lies claiming that China committed so-called "crimes against humanity" and "crimes of genocide" in the region.

For instance, on March 2, 2020, an Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) article quoted an ASPI researcher as saying that the goal of the labor transfers was "political," with an aim toward the "stripping of their unique culture and identity." On November 25, The Global and Mail cited some infamous anti-China "human rights groups" that "Uygurs and other Turkic minorities have been subject to forced labor as part of China's plan to control the Uygur population in the region." On August 23, 2021, the Washington Post quoted an anti-China group's statement as saying that "no American corporation should be doing business in a region that is the focal point of a campaign of genocide targeting a religious and ethnic minority."

The reality is that, the Uygur population has increased from 3.61 million in 1953 to 11.62 million in 2020, an increase of over three-fold, while the Chinese national population growth rate over the same period only grew two-fold. The growth rate of the Uygur population has been higher than the national average.

Tactic two: Demonizing China's poverty alleviation policies

For instance, on June 24, the Washington Post groundlessly claimed that a Chinese company "recruits and employs Uygurs and other minorities via state labor programs that aim to place them in factories." On March 7, CNN quoted a British scholar as saying that the job programs in Xinjiang "are often non-consensual, and people who refuse can be punished with internment."

Contrary to the lies and rumors they fabricated, the fact is that workers of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang region, including those who were transferred for employment and those who had completed their studies in learning institutions and training centers, have the agency to choose their preferred jobs and regions of placement. They sign labor contracts and receive remuneration in accordance with the law, and enjoy various social insurance benefits.

The total number of rural migrant workers in China reached 30.7 million in 2021, of which 3.2 million were from Xinjiang. With an increase in the number of stable employment, the economic income of the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang has continued to increase, and the regional per capita gross domestic product (GDP) had increased from 45,476 yuan ($6,225.9) in 2017 to 53,593 yuan in 2020.

Tactic three: Stigmatizing assistance measures for transfer employment

The "forced labor" smear campaign claims that the Chinese government assigns staff to "monitor" Uygur employees, and even defames the existence of administrators of ethnic and religious affairs for Uygur employees at local companies, terming it as "monitoring."

On April 27, 2021, The Guardian quoted a member of an Australian anti-China group as saying that Uygurs were "held in secure compounds, working extremely long hours and under constant surveillance, and with political indoctrination as part of their daily routine." On March 9, 2020, a Washington Post article even ridiculously described the psychological counseling rooms as having been set for the purpose of thought policing Uygur employees.

Such psychological rooms, far from solely being found in Xinjiang, are part and parcel of many Chinese and foreign enterprises to help relieve psychological pressure experienced by employees. This is a common international practice. In November 2019, Chinese authorities issued the Specification of Healthy Enterprise Construction (trial), which requires employers to attach importance to their employees' physical and mental health, and encourages enterprises to set up mental health counseling rooms.

Tactic four: Distorting service work for labor transfer employment

On March 2, 2020, ABC quoted an ASPI researcher and separatist as saying that Uygur workers "are often transported across China in special segregated trains," and "authorities and factory bosses continue to closely monitor them." On April 27, 2021, The Guardian claimed that Uygurs employees "have limited or no communications with their families; mothers have been separated from their babies and families have been torn apart," citing the words of an anti-China separatist.

China fully protects the legitimate rights and interests of workers of all ethnic groups in law, policy, and practices, which advocate equal pay for equal work without discrimination against any ethnic groups. Chinese laws expressly stipulate that Uygur people enjoy the same rights as other ethnic groups, and Chinese enterprises have no right to and nor should they restrict their freedom.

Chinese citizens enjoy freedom of religious belief, and the state guarantees normal religious activities. Uygur employees participate in religious activities on the premise that they abide by China's laws and regulations, the enterprise's rules, and normal work routines.

Tactic five: Attacking China by citing misleading, tendentious claims

Based on my analysis of 189 stories from 13 media outlets, I found that when hyping up the "forced labor" smear, overseas anti-China media sources mainly cited "research report" published by the ASPI and anti-China scholar Laura Murphy, and the remarks of the separatist organization "World Uyghur Congress" along with its affiliated bodies.

A considerable number of their Xinjiang-related stories cited anti-China politicians and scholars to support their narratives, lack field research and first-hand information. The stories did not provide any reliable information, let alone contain actual interviews conducted with Uygur employees.

For example, in the article Canadian watchdog asked to probe allegations that imports made with forced labor in China published on April 11, 2022, The Globe and Mail quoted an "executive director" of a so-called "Uygur rights advocacy project" based in Ottawa as saying that he hopes a probe will drive Canada to take greater action against imports made using "forced labor."

Obviously, some Western media outlets achieve their goals of misleading their audiences and spreading fallacies by unilaterally quoting false statements made by some anonymous and anti-China sources, and using sensational and biased headlines. Their stories and quotes, without investigating the actual situation on the ground in Xinjiang region, lack verifiability. The information they convey in their stories is full of malicious speculation and lies.

Western anti-China forces concocted the "forced labor" fallacy as a means to serve their goal of suppressing China's economic development. To clarify the lies and show the world a real Xinjiang, China should make more efforts in several aspects, such as focusing on the international communication with the Arab world and developing countries, strengthen the public dissemination of accurate information, while also paying close attention to the slanderous tactics employed by anti-China forces to defame China.

"The most famous classic novel of China, A Journey to the West, as a matter of fact, is one of the few that have been translated and dubbed using Greenlandic voices for our national broadcasting TV. This shows that even though we are very far away from each other, we can build a bridge and a common future with mutual understanding and efforts," said Vivian Motzfeldt, Greenlandic minister for statehood and foreign affairs, at the official opening of the Greenlandic Representation on Monday at the Royal Danish Embassy in Beijing.  

The reception was attended by the Danish Ambassador to China Thomas Østrup Møller, Greenlandic Minister for Statehood and Foreign Affairs Vivian Motzfeldt, head of the Greenland Representation in Beijing Jacob Isbosethsen, as well as other ministers and ambassadors. 

"Royal Greenland has been present in Qingdao for 20 years now. Other companies, like Polar Seafood have also contributed a lot in exports and trade with China," Motzfeldt said. 

She expressed her gratitude to the Chinese government and the Chinese People's Institute for Foreign Affairs for the cooperation between Greenland and China. 

In addition, the Danish Embassy held an insightful seminar on tourism on Tuesday at the Greenland Representation in Beijing. 

In her opening speech at the event, Motzfeldt emphasized the importance of tourism to the Greenlandic economy. 

"The Government of Greenland has invested a lot in a new tourism policy and strategy. The Parliament and Government have decided to expand the runways and build three new airports in Nuuk, Ilulissat, and Qagortoq," she told the Global Times. 

Air Greenland CEO Jacob Nitter Sørensen, head of Visa and Consular Affairs at the Royal Danish Embassy Charlotte Duelund, Polar Club 66 Co Ltd director Joe Chan, and other guests also introduced Greenlandic gastronomy, beautiful Arctic Circle, and other practical travel tips. 

In January 2020, I attended the 6th China-Australia High-level Dialogue in Sydney's Intercontinental Hotel near the picturesque Circular Quay. Although bilateral relations between China and Australia already started to chill after the then Australian government unwarrantedly accused China of "political interference" and recklessly imposed a blanket ban on Huawei, both sides during the meeting positively expressed a desire to put an end to the decline of the relationship. We pledged to meet again in the following year in Beijing to seek further mutual understanding and promote improvement to the bilateral ties.

No one had anticipated that China-Australia relations would plunge to their historically lowest point as the Morrison administration continued to align with the US' Indo-Pacific Strategy and further antagonize China as an opponent. Although both sides had hoped for the Beijing rendezvous, regretfully, it did not materialize. 

After the Labor government took office in May 2022, glimmers of hope for the improvement of the bilateral relations coalesced into brighter glows as the Albanese team put a decisive end to the anti-China "megaphone diplomacy" adopted by the previous administration. China and Australia worked together to renew contacts, leading to a bilateral summit in Bali six months later, in November, between President Xi Jinping and Albanese. In December, China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi reached a consensus with his Australian counterpart Penny Wong, who was visiting Beijing on the 50th anniversary of the diplomatic relationship between China and Australia, that the two sides should maintain high-level engagement, and commence or restart dialogue in areas including bilateral relations, economy and trade, and regional and international issues. 

I had a sense of déjà vu when I walked into the spacious meeting room to participate in the 7th round of the dialogue, which finally took place on September 7 in the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse compound. The Australian side sent an 18-member delegation consisting of current and former government officials, and representatives from the business, education and academic circles to participate in the "track 1.5" dialogue. Amid pleasantries and formalities, there were indeed genuine aspirations to restore the relationship which had been insensitively and viciously devastated in the past three years.

The atmosphere during this year's dialogue was encouragingly candid, friendly and warm. While stating differences in the perceptions and assessments of various matters and topics, both sides also tried their best to identify common interests. 

Disparities in the two countries' systems of governance and cultural traditions do exist, as in any other international relations, but the differences should not be amplified or even distorted to hinder or sabotage the stability of bilateral collaboration and exchanges.

There have been no historical or territorial disputes between the two countries and China has never posed any threat to Australia. Australia's close ties with the US should not naturally position Canberra as an adversary of China. As Li Zhaoxing, China's former foreign minister and head of the Chinese delegation to this year's dialogue said, Australia's bonds with its allies should not be in conflict with its ties with its other partners.

Despite the diplomatic upheavals during the past several years, China-Australia trade relations have been developing with vigorous dynamism. China has remained Australia's biggest trade partner for 14 years. Frictions and disputes can take place as in any international trade relations, but such disagreements should not be ideologized and politicized with the cold war mentality, which would only exacerbate problems rather than bring about resolutions.

It is heartening to see China and Australia have been carrying out proactive and conducive discussions and negotiations to seek solutions to the existing trade disputes. The recent resolution of the barley case is another promising step to steer the trade relations to the track of full recovery and consolidation with a constructive spirit on both sides.

During the sessions at the dialogue, I was thrilled to see a news alert on my phone that Anthony Albanese, Australia's Prime Minister, affirmed his long-anticipated visit to China within the year. The visit will obviously serve as a very positive move which will not only stabilize the bilateral relations, but also revitalize and strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership.

China and Australia are two important countries and key economies in the Asia-Pacific. Our proactive and constructive partnership will not only contribute to the economic development and cultural diversity in both countries, but also the peace, stability and prosperity of the region, and also of the world. 

I look forward to the new stage our bilateral relations will achieve when the next round of High-level Dialogue takes place in Australia next year.

China's plan to make Fujian Province a demonstration zone for the integrated development across the Taiwan Straits, jointly issued by the Communist Party of China Central Committee and the State Council on Tuesday, is an important measure to promote cross-Straits integrated development and the process of peaceful reunification, and a major policy boon for the people of Taiwan.

This circular of more than 4,000-words, with 6 major items and 21 specific measures, presents a panoramic view and visualization of the future scenarios of cross-Straits integration and development, especially for Taiwan compatriots who will develop on the mainland, and it stipulates specific provisions to ensure the effect of the policy on the ground. For the people of the mainland and Taiwan, this means not only personal opportunities and development, but also genuine and lasting peace. It is obviously a policy of great strength and breadth to benefit Taiwan, but its significance is not limited to the economic, social and cross-Straits exchanges. More importantly, it is the fruit of the Chinese government's comprehensive thinking on cross-Straits integration and development, and it also reflects the CPC Central Committee's utmost sincerity for peaceful reunification and utmost goodwill toward the compatriots in Taiwan. Anyone who hopes for peace and stability as well as for the shared well-being of people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits will not reject such goodwill.

On the same day, defense authority of Taiwan region released its latest defense report, claiming that "reservists may have to attend urban warfare." The two documents, one is talking about peace and the other about war; one focuses on development and the other on destruction, outlining two diametrically opposed destinies for Taiwan island. The move of the DPP authorities in Taiwan is not only deliberately opposed to the mainland, but also opposed to the interests and wishes of people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits.

The DPP authorities have always been afraid that the people on the island will feel sincerity and goodwill from the mainland. This time, they have deliberately ignored the impact of the circular through self-deception by burying their head in the sand. On the other hand, they have distorted and discredited the circular and made every effort to mislead the people on the island. A DPP legislator said that the circular was "digging a hole for the Taiwanese to jump into", which is one of the typically vicious and distorted remarks.

We must admit that the DPP has a skillful approach to deceiving the people on the island. If we want more compatriots in Taiwan to receive and accurately understand the decisions and deployments of this circular, there is still much work to be done. Fujian, as a demonstration zone for exploring cross-Straits integrated development, as long as the central government's policies are implemented well, will undoubtedly create a demonstration effect, win the reputation among Taiwan compatriots and enterprises, and fundamentally establish immunity against the DPP's manipulation of public opinion.

According to data released on September 11 by the executive authority in Taiwan, since Tsai Ing-wen took office in 2016, investment from Taiwan in the mainland has sharply declined by 44 percent, while investment in other countries and regions have surged by 96 percent. This data, which the DPP touts as an achievement, is actually a consequence of the DPP's various measures to sever economic and trade ties across the Taiwan Straits. The DPP has intensified political opposition and hostility towards the mainland, promoted economic "decoupling" from the mainland, made deliberate efforts in "de-Sinicization" in terms of culture and history, and increased military preparations and external collusion. These manipulations have created a very grim situation in cross-Straits relations.

The circular, issued in this context, has gone through a gradual deepening process. From the heartfelt call that "the two sides of the Taiwan Straits are one family," to the establishment of a demonstration zone for cross-Straits integrated development, the central government's policy on Taiwan has continuously advanced based on the actual development needs of Taiwan people in the mainland. This is conducive to further improving the business environment related to Taiwan, deepening cross-Straits industrial cooperation, and at the same time, it serves as a countermeasure to block the DPP's attempts to reverse the situation.

Economic and trade relationships are resilient; even in challenging times, they can find their way. However, when constrained by the political hostilities, progress can be extremely difficult. Both sides of the Taiwan Straits share a common language and origin, and blood runs thicker than water. In the face of political tension and economic and trade exchanges being obstructed, strengthening social connections between the two sides becomes particularly important. The establishment and practice of the Fujian demonstration zone will elevate both the depth and breadth of people-to-people exchanges across the Straits to a new level.

We must be fully prepared both psychologically and in our actions to counter the interference and disruption by the DPP as well as external forces. Based on the experiences of recent years, it's not difficult to discern that whatever the DPP vigorously promotes and celebrates with fanfare is typically detrimental to Taiwan's interests, undermining the foundation of peace across the Taiwan Straits. Conversely, what they deliberately avoid or protest against is often in the true interest of people on both sides of the Straits and conducive to cross-Straits peace and stability. The DPP's persistent "pro-independence" agenda, coupled with provocations from countries like the US and Japan, has been intensifying, which push us to continually strengthen our capacity to counteract separatist activities while advocating for peaceful reunification.

Recently, European politicians have been clamoring for anti-subsidy measures against Chinese electric vehicles. The European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called for a corresponding investigation in her annual State of the Union address, which received positive responses from French Minister for European Affairs Laurence Boone, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, and Minister for Economic Affairs Robert Habeck. For a while, the specter of trade protectionism seems to have returned to the continent that has been waving the banner of "open markets" for decades.

In recent years, the EU has continuously dressed up its foreign trade policies with concepts such as "fair trade" and "open strategic autonomy." However, in practice, it has continuously promoted restrictive measures in various fields through policy-making and legislative processes, such as formulating "competition rules" and so-called due diligence for supply chains. This time, the EU's argument is that huge state subsidies are distorting the market and "Europe is open for competition. Not for a race to the bottom." 

However, in the eyes of the outside world, the EU wields the tariff stick with its unilaterally determined standards and reasons, using the banner of "fairness" to impose unfair measures on enterprises and products of other countries, essentially aiming to protect its domestic companies and market. Meanwhile, the EU and some member states are vigorously implementing subsidy policies. For example, issued in February, the EU's "Green Deal Industrial Plan" significantly relaxes the regulation of industrial subsidies, and the French government's "Green Industry Act" proposes tax exemptions of 20 percent to 45 percent for renewable energy equipment, heat pumps and battery manufacturers.

In fact, the so-called actions of the EU are more driven by concerns over the impact of China's electric vehicle industry on its traditional fuel-powered car industry. European car companies have invested heavily in traditional car technology and industry centered on internal combustion engines, making it difficult for them to adapt to the massive industrial transformation brought about by the revolution of electric vehicles, hence their call for political measures. Tu Le, the founder of Sino Auto Insights, stated that the EU's initiation of the investigation "says as much about the lack of competitiveness of European EVs." 

On the other hand, the EU's investigation into "distorting market subsidies" targeting Chinese electric vehicles is completely unfounded and untenable. Chinese companies began investing in electric vehicle research and development and industrial investment as early as 15 years ago and have benefited from China's high-quality development process, relying on continuous independent innovation, a comprehensive industry chain system, and a large domestic market. In 2022, China's electric vehicle market will account for 59 percent of the global market. At the same time, the claim that Chinese car companies are distorting the European electric vehicle market is a complete lie. In 2022, the market share of Chinese electric vehicles in the EU was only about eight percent. 

The European industry itself has also expressed opposition and concerns about resorting to protectionist measures to seek competitiveness. Ola Kaellenius, CEO of Mercedes-Benz, stated that "if we look at the success of the WTO over the last 30 years, globalization, reducing trade barriers and promoting free trade have driven an enormous amount of economic growth and wealth generation," and companies oppose using political means to undermine the system centered around WTO rules.

For the EU, the pursuit of so-called trade fairness through protective measures is likely to backfire. In recent years, the EU has implemented various measures in the field of trade with China, not out of genuine economic considerations but rather as a result of its increasing emphasis on China as an economic and systemic competitor and adversary. These actions, driven by political bias, are bound to create a gap between the vision of cooperation and mutual benefit among enterprises. From the perspective of current industry development, the EU's initiation of anti-subsidy investigations against China is baseless and will only unilaterally increase the risk of trade disputes and escalate tensions between China and the EU. 

The visit of Valdis Dombrovskis, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission, to China for the high-level EU-China economic and trade dialogue reflects the EU's desire to continue dialogue with China in the economic and trade fields. However, at the same time, the EU is preparing unilateral measures against China's electric vehicle industry, which is likely to raise doubts about its sincerity. The EU should realize that hoping to gain an advantage through "playing cards" and creating leverage will not bring benefits to the game but rather push the existing mutually beneficial relationship between the two sides toward a worse future, ultimately imposing unnecessary costs on its own economy and even its green transformation process.

West invests heavily in weapons, but very little in global development. Cartoon:Carlos Latuff

Editor's Note:

China and Italy are representative of Eastern and Western civilizations. In the eyes of 75-year-old Italian sinologist Pier Francesco Fumagalli (Fumagalli), who has dedicated decades to promoting cultural exchanges between China and Italy, the Global Civilization Initiative proposed by China holds great vision for constructing a new global civilization and mobilizing a worldwide renaissance. In a recent interview with the Global Times (GT), Fumagalli shared his story of learning Chinese, his understanding of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the prospects of China-Italy relations.

GT: When did you start learning Chinese? We know that you have also studied various other Eastern languages. In comparison, do you find Chinese difficult to learn? What makes it unique?

Fumagalli: I wanted to learn Chinese when I was studying at the University of Milan in the 1970s, but there weren't as many opportunities to learn Chinese back then. I remember that the Israeli government provided me with a scholarship, so I went to Jerusalem to study Hebrew and Arabic. After a year, I returned to Milan and studied Eastern languages and ancient Indian languages at the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart. After graduating, I pursued a doctoral degree at the Biblioteca?Ambrosiana. The librarian at the time hoped I could engage in Sinology research. He not only introduced the library's collection of ancient Chinese books to me but also gave me a Chinese dictionary that was over a hundred years old. I truly began learning Chinese in 1994 at the Istituto Italo Cinese Vittorino Colombo and went to China for the first time in 1995 to study Chinese at the School of International Cultural Exchange (predecessor of the School of International Education) of Northwest University in Xi'an.

Since I have dabbled in many languages in the Eastern region, I find learning Chinese not too difficult, but mastering it requires a great deal of effort. In my opinion, each language has its own difficulties. For example, Chinese characters and pronunciation are relatively challenging, so one needs to practice writing and speaking more. However, the grammar is relatively easy. Most other Eastern languages are spelled using alphabets, which makes writing easier, but the grammar is more difficult.

GT: Besides Chinese, what else do you need to study and understand to become a sinologist?

Fumagalli: As a sinologist from a European country, I believe that besides learning Chinese, one should also understand various fields such as China's history, art, technology, culture, economy, politics, etc. If conditions permit, one should also learn Go and calligraphy. Of course, it is also important to understand the culture of ethnic minority regions in China and neighboring countries. As Confucius said, "Isn't it a pleasure to study and practice what you have learned"?

GT: From your first visit to China until now, what changes in China have impressed you the most?

Fumagalli: The scene of my first visit to China is still fresh in my memory. I flew from Milan to Beijing and then to Xi'an. The plane was brand new, with few passengers, and the flight attendants were very friendly. After arriving in Xi'an, I was picked up by a special car from Northwest University to the campus. The teachers and classmates at the International Cultural Exchange School were very polite to me, and the learning atmosphere was relaxed and pleasant. I also made many friends. This experience left a good impression on me. I am still in contact with many teachers and classmates, and in 2003, Professor Zhou Jiaxiang from Northwest University published a monograph on ancient Chinese literature at the Braidense National Library. Every time I go to Xi'an, I visit them.

From 1995 to 2019, I visited China more than 30 times, sometimes three times in a year. I think China has changed a lot! In 1995, there were many bicycles on the streets of Xi'an, but few cars. I remember some villages in Shaanxi were still using oxen to plow the fields. On Wangfujing Avenue in Beijing, I experienced riding a "huangbaoche" (a type of traditional Chinese taxi) for the first time. When I visited a friend's house, they lived in a 60-square-meter house with four people, but now it is 160 square meters!

GT: Has your interest and research in Chinese culture also influenced your family? 

Fumagalli: My family also loves Chinese culture. My nephew also studied in China. Every time my Chinese friends come to Italy, I invite them to my home. My family is very happy, and both sides are very enthusiastic when they meet.

GT: You have published Biblioteca Ambrosiana with Sino-Western Cultural Exchange, could you talk about the original intention of publishing this book? What kind of cooperation does Biblioteca Ambrosiana, the oldest library in Milan, have with China? What Chinese books or artworks are collected?

Fumagalli: This book was published in 2008 and was a 60th birthday gift from Zhejiang University and Zhejiang International Cultural Exchange Association. It brings together my speeches and papers from Northwest University, Zhejiang University, Chongqing University, and the University of Hong Kong over the years. The purpose is to let Chinese students understand Western culture and carry out exchanges and cooperation with Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan.

The Biblioteca Ambrosiana was established in the early 17th century and includes academies, library, art gallery, and museum, all of which are closely related to the Renaissance. The academy collaborates with universities around the world to study global cultures, technologies, arts, religions, and philosophy. The library is open to students and professors from all over the world, providing free access to classical and modern materials. The art gallery and museum collect artworks and manuscripts from many Renaissance masters such as Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, and Caravaggio.

In addition, we also collect ancient books and cultural artifacts from around the world, such as ancient Indian artifacts, feather cloaks made by the Tupinambá people in South America, and the Arabic Koran. The collection related to China includes classic works on the Ming Dynasty's bureaucracy, the Map of the Ten Thousand Countries of the Earth during the Ming Dynasty, and a table said to be brought back from China by Italian voyager Marco Polo.

GT: One time you saw the painting Taipingtu created by Chinese freehand flower and bird painter He Shuifa in 2010. The painting's juicy and vibrant apples quickly inspired you to invite him to speak at an academic festival in Italy. What attempts have you made to promote communication between contemporary art fields in Italy and China? What special feelings do you have? What is the perception of Italian audiences or readers toward art and artists from the East?

FumagalliIn May 2008, I went to Hangzhou and Beijing and invited scholars such as Ren Yanli, Chen Cunfu, Huang Shijian, who study Western religion, philosophy, and engage in cultural communication between China and the West, as well as painter He Shuifa, to join the newly established Chinese Cultural Research Center in the Ambrosiana Academy under the Biblioteca Ambrosiana. The center has become a new bridge for cultural communication and cooperation between Italy and China, serving the peoples of both countries. We introduce our cooperation in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana Yearbook "Asiatica Ambrosiana" every year.

Currently, our Academy has established cooperative relationships with 500 professors, scholars, and artists from around the world, including Wang Meixiu, who studies world religions, Wang Xiaochao, who studies foreign philosophy and religion, and artist Cui Ruzhuo. In 2022, we invited Professor Zhao Tingyang from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to introduce his "Tianxia System" in Milan, which I believe is a very important event.

GT: China and Italy are outstanding representatives of Eastern and Western civilizations. China has held many exhibitions of Chinese-Italian cultural exchanges in recent years, such as the "Tota Italia - Origins of a Nation," held at the National Museum of China in 2022, which was well received by the audience. The leaders of both countries also attach great importance to such communication. What is your opinion on the Global Civilization Initiative proposed by China?

Fumagalli: The Global Civilization Initiative proposed by China is an important initiative and shows great foresight in building a new global civilization. This initiative will help realize the Chinese Dream and promote world peace and human development, leading to a new renaissance in the world.

GT: China and Italy are respectively the starting point and endpoint of the ancient Silk Road. Over the years, you have been studying the cultural heritage cooperation and exchanges under the BRI. Since China proposed the BRI 10 years ago, it has not only made significant contributions to the world economy and the development of participating countries but also promoted cultural and people-to-people exchanges with relevant countries and regions. How do you view the cooperation between China and Italy, as well as China and Europe, over the past 10 years?

Fumagalli: The BRI involves numerous countries and regions as well as various aspects, including culture, economy and trade, infrastructure construction, art, science and technology, and politics, among others. From the collection of the Map of the Ten Thousand Countries of the Earth at the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, I can see that the China-proposed BRI can also be called the "Ten Thousand Belts and Roads of the Ten Thousand Countries" (or "Multiple Belts and Roads of the World)". In addition to the trade-oriented "Belt and Road," the high-speed rail construction-oriented "Belt and Road," there are also the education-oriented "Belt and Road," the culture-oriented "Belt and Road," the science and technology-oriented "Belt and Road," the art-oriented "Belt and Road," and so on.

Both China and Europe have rich and ancient cultures and histories. China has 56 ethnic groups, while EU has nearly 30 countries. In terms of the prospects for cooperation between Europe and China under the BRI, I believe our cooperation is very significant!

GT: Like you, many senior Italian sinologists mostly have the experience of studying in China in the 1980s and 1990s. What advice do you have for the new generation of sinologists emerging in Italy or Europe, or for young people who are particularly interested in Chinese culture?

Fumagalli: My dream is for young Italian and European sinologists to collaborate more with young Asian sinologists and young scholars from China to promote sinological research worldwide. These collaborations can take place through various research institutions, such as universities, technology companies, and medical institutes.

I hope that Italian sinologists can work together with Chinese experts to translate and publish Leonardo da Vinci's Codex Atlanticus, a manuscript consisting of 12 volumes and 1,119 pages. This would be a collaboration that could last for many years.

GT: What are your expectations and suggestions for strengthening people-to-people exchanges between China and Italy?

Fumagalli: I hope that communication among the public becomes more diversified, for example, by strengthening communication through news media, sports, music, and art. Even in Italy, clubs can be established for traditional Chinese culture and activities such as Go and Tai Chi. 

In recent years, we have collaborated with the Italy-China Association to organize exhibitions of Leonardo da Vinci in Beijing, Hong Kong, and other places. This December, thanks to the cooperation with the Italo-Chinese Institute of Milan, an exhibition about Leonardo da Vinci is planned to be held in Shanghai, while an exhibition featuring contemporary Chinese painter Zeng Fanzhi will be held in Milan.

GT: Finally, I'd like to ask you about China-Italy relations. How do you evaluate the cooperation between China and Italy in recent years in politics, economics, and other fields? What are your expectations for the future of the relationship between the two countries?

Fumagalli: My new book, Estetica, Scienza e Fede: 400 anni dell 'esplorazione della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Aesthetics, Science and Faith: 400 Years of Exploration of the Ambrosian Library), has just been published by Zhejiang University Press, and it contains my suggestions and expectations. In short, I hope that the friendship between Italy and China will deepen as major cities of both countries and friendly organizations continue to exchange in various fields. The Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan and the Italy-China Association will also be involved. Although the road ahead is long, I would like to use Chairman Mao Zedong's poem, "when the mountain flowers are in full bloom, she will smile mingling in their midst," to express my optimism about the further development of the relationship between the two countries.

The Fuling shale gas field in Southwest China's Chongqing Municipality, has produced over 60 billion cubic meters of natural gas, according to its operator China Sinopec, Xinhua reported on Sunday, adding the attainments have helped shore up China's energy security.

The Fuling shale gas field, an important gas source in West-to-East Gas Transmission pipeline project, was first established in December 2012 and started operation in March 2014, distributing natural gas to more than 70 cities along Yangtze River Economic Belt.

The shale gas field has a proved reserve of 900 billion cubic meters. In 2022, Fuling shale gas field produced 7.2 billion cubic meters of natural gas and 6,998 tons of shale oil, according to Xinhua.

The low-carbon-emission feature of the shale gas made it as an important energy source to promote China's green transformation too.

China first discovered domestic shale gas reserves in the 90's, but lacked the necessary technology and expertise to exploit it.

After decades of technology research and development, operators like Sinopec have achieved to grasp core technologies.

Apart from breakthroughs in shale gas and oil exploration technology, the complicated geometric structure of shale gas field and the high costs on new drills represent new challenges.

The United Nations said that shale gas remains a traditional energy source that also produces carbon dioxide, but it is much less than coal and gasoline, which makes it a bridge from traditional energy to solar energy, wind power and hydropower.

On Sep. 21st, in the hometown of Confucius, Qufu, Jining, Shandong Province, the staff workers from State Grid Jining Power Supply Company are inspecting the power operation data of the scenic spot through the smart power preservation application in front of the computer, to ensure safe and reliable power supply.

With the Mid-Autumn Festival and the National Day rapidly approaching, the 19th Nishan World Civilization Forum and 2023 China (Qufu) International Confucius Culture Festival are about to be held, and Qufu "Three holes", Nishan Holy Land and other scenic spots have an endless stream of tourists, ushering in the peak of electricity consumption. State Grid Jining Power Supply Company applies multiple means such as unmanned aerial vehicle autonomous inspection, remote camera monitoring, infrared temperature measurement, etc., to carry out inspections of power facilities, do a good job in the operation and maintenance of electric vehicle charging piles, and ensure reliable power supply in scenic spots and comfortable power consumption for tourists.

China's first sea-spanning high-speed railway capable of a top speed of 350 kilometers per hour is expected to start service in East China's Fujian Province on Thursday. The line shortens the travel time between Fuzhou and Xiamen to at most 55 minutes in a bid to enhance the connectivity between the two major cities in the province, the Xinhua News Agency reported on Wednesday. 

With a total length of 277 kilometers, the railway starts from Fuzhou, passes through Putian, Quanzhou and Xiamen and ends in Zhangzhou.    

The high-speed railway is yet another intelligent railway route to enter commercial service following the Beijing-Zhangjiakou high-speed railway and Beijing-Xiong'an high-speed railway, demonstrating new progress in the intelligentization of China's high-speed railway technology. 

The railway was designed using the latest modeling technology based on digital information, which realized the integrated management of high-speed railway's design, construction and operation. 

The BeiDou Navigation Satellite System, intelligent robots and environmentally friendly materials were adopted to facilitate the construction of cross-sea bridges. An intelligent command and dispatch system is used to ensure trains stay on schedule and operate efficiently. A big data analysts system can monitor and report all potential weather disasters, ensuring the safe operation of each train on the route. 

The opening of the railway connects multiple cities along Southeast China's coast and forms a belt full of tourism sites. It will also form a high-quality traffic channel connecting Ningbo in East China's Zhejiang Province and Guangzhou in South China's Guangdong Province with other high-speed railway routes that have already been completed or are still under construction. 

Wang Jianmin, a senior cross-Straits expert at Minnan Normal University in Fujian Province, told the Global Times that the opening of the Fuzhou-Xiamen high-speed railway shows China has the technological ability to build a cross-Straits railway. 

"What's more, it also offers expectations for people on the both sides of the Straits that the railway will be the foundation of a cross-Straits railway in the future," said Wang.